• Over 190 internet shutdowns recorded in 41 African countries since 2016
• Ethiopia tops the list with 30 internet shutdowns 
• Sudan records the second highest number with 21 internet shutdowns 

Countries in Africa experienced over 190 internet shutdowns between 2016 and 2024, new research reveals.

The number of internet shutdowns across the continent has been on an upward trend since 2016, rising from a total of 14 in 2016 to 28 in 2024.

Ethiopia alone has recorded 30 instances of internet shutdowns. Sudan recorded the second highest with 21 shutdowns; and Algeria, 14. Since 2018, these three countries have experienced internet shutdown at least once every year.  

Each internet shutdown, slowdown or block of digital platforms, impacts millions of people, disrupting their ability to communicate with their families, continue their employment, access essential online services like education and health, or take part in political life online.

The research by members of the African Digital Rights Network, convened by the Institute of Development Studies, features in the book ‘Internet Shutdowns in Africa’.

The book reveals that these shutdowns – ordered mostly by governments and implemented by internet service providers – are often used to crack down on peaceful protests or political opposition and warns of the risk of internet shutdowns being used to reinforce authoritarian control.

Tony Roberts, Research Fellow, Institute of Development Studies and co-editor of the book, says: 

“Each internet shutdown violates human rights and damages the economy. As internet becomes a medium for people to increasingly communicate, study and work online, these shutdowns necessarily violate citizens’ right to work and their freedom of expression, association and participation. It should worry us that regimes are imposing these digital authoritarian practices with increasing frequency and with impunity.

“It’s important to research further in understanding this evolving landscape of resistance, power imbalances, political motivations, and authoritarian tendencies to guide future action to mitigate the harms of Internet shutdowns and prevent them reoccurring.”  

While some shutdowns draw public criticism or international condemnation, many go unnoticed or unchallenged, particularly in contexts where independent media and civil society are under threat. This book provides the most comprehensive and detailed account of internet shutdowns in Africa to date.

These internet shutdowns have also been used by the governments during protests and conflicts to repress citizen voices.

In Ethiopia, internet shutdowns have become a go-to tactic which not only affects human rights but also shapes power relationships by benefitting those in power.

The government used internet blackouts extensively during the Tigray conflict, cutting off millions without access to communication or essential services. 

In Sudan, shutdowns were consistently deployed during protests and periods of political unrest, particularly in response to resistance movements and civil uprisings and during the ongoing conflict. 

Felicia Anthonio, a global expert on internet shutdowns and co-editor of the book said:

“Across Africa, governments are normalising the use of internet shutdowns to suppress dissent, quell protests, and manipulate electoral outcomes. These blackouts are growing in scale and frequency, with devastating consequences for rights and lives, in an ever-more digitally connected world. 

“This book adds to the growing body of evidence compiled by rights groups, underscoring the profound harm caused by shutdowns — both online and off. The international community must urgently support civil society efforts against this alarming trend, hold governments accountable, and compel telecom companies to deny unlawful or arbitrary shutdown orders.”  

As digital connectivity becomes increasingly central to daily life, the researchers call on African governments, regional institutions, telecom providers, and civil society to take to not shut the internet in advance of elections and during citizen protests, and to maintain their human rights commitments to free expression, association and political participation. 

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For context, the war has gone on actively for close to two years.

Tragic and painful as this figure is, it is utterly dwarfed by a chilling statistic from Nigeria: over 652 children have died from malnutrition in Katsina State alone, and that’s just in the first half of 2025.

This jarring incongruity provokes a bleak and sobering question: How can a nation not technically in war end up outpacing a war zone in deaths due to hunger and malnutrition?

The answer lies at the intersection of poor governance, chronic insecurity, and systemic neglect.

Nigeria, Africa’s most populous country and one of its largest economies, is officially at peace. It enjoys a democratic government, a huge bureaucracy, and vast natural and human resources. Yet it continues to record child mortality from malnutrition that rivals or surpasses that in active war zones.

The latest report from Doctors Without Borders (MSF) on Katsina is most alarming. Katsina, located in Nigeria’s northwest, is a besieged state by banditry, kidnappings, and deepening insecurity.

In Katsina, whole villages have been turned into ghost towns and farmlands into killing fields. As a result, food production has dwindled, healthcare systems have broken down, and families have been forced into displacement, poverty, and starvation.

The root of the crisis points to both structural and systemic failures. Malnutrition, especially in children, is both a symptom and a signal. It indicates a broader failure of the health system, food distribution channels, social protection programs, and ultimately, government accountability.

The key issues driving the malnutrition crisis in Nigeria are numerous. First, armed violence, especially in northern Nigeria, has led to mass displacements. Families fleeing for their lives leave behind farms and other means of livelihood.

Internally displaced persons (IDPs) camps are often overcrowded, underfunded, and inadequately supplied with food and clean water. Children under five, the most vulnerable, suffer the most.

Secondly, in many parts of northern Nigeria, healthcare delivery is either non-existent or dangerously underfunded. Malnutrition requires urgent and specialised treatment, something scarce even in urban centres, let alone rural communities ravaged by conflict.

Then there is the issue of cuts in international funding. MSF attributed part of the problem in Katsina to funding cuts by international donors.

As global attention shifts to other emergencies, including Ukraine, Sudan, and Palestine, humanitarian support to Nigeria has dwindled. But this raises a painful point: Why is the Nigerian government not stepping in to fill the void?

Another challenge is the failure of preventive nutrition programs. Nigeria has repeatedly failed to sustain preventive nutrition programs that address child hunger and undernutrition before they become life-threatening.

School feeding programs are poorly implemented or discontinued in many states, and outreach on infant nutrition and breastfeeding is inconsistent at best.

Plus, malnutrition doesn’t make headlines like terrorism or economic policy. As a result, the issue often slips under the radar of national priorities.

There’s a lack of real-time data, poor coordination among ministries, and a bureaucratic unwillingness to act until disaster strikes.

The effects of runaway malnutrition deaths are long-term and deeply unsettling. Think human capital loss, undermined development goals and national and international shame. It’s a ticking time bomb.

I concede that there is no magic bullet. Yet, I’ll argue that the path to the solution requires urgent, coordinated, and sustained action. In my mind, the way forward is to move from rhetoric to action. Here’s what must happen now:

Malnourishment must be officially declared a national emergency. The state and federal governments need to increase nutrition-sensitive interventions and allocate ring-fenced funds to food relief, health centres, and child care.

In addition, primary health centres need to be able to detect, treat, and manage malnourishment cases. Trained workers, therapeutic diets availability, and a functional cold chain need to be the standard, not a luxury.

Besides, the government must secure farming villages, especially in the North, and invest in agriculture. Farmers need to be protected, provided with equipment, and incentivised to plant crops. Food insecurity is the first domino that must fall in the malnutrition chain.

Moreover, Nigeria must regain confidence with international donors as well as develop homegrown solutions. Partnerships with NGOs, faith-based organisations, and community leaders can be used to increase reach and amplify impact.

Furthermore, the Nigerian public must demand transparency and accountability. Children dying from hunger are not just statistics; they are indictments of leadership failure. Civil society must amplify its stories and push for reforms.

It is unacceptable that Nigeria, a country with so much potential, is losing more children to malnutrition than countries at war. We all should ask ourselves this question: What is peace worth if children are starving and dying?

The time for silence has passed. Nigeria must act now to stop the silent war of hunger that is killing its future. History will not be kind to us otherwise.

*Elvis Eromosele, a corporate communications professional and sustainability advocate, wrote via elviseroms@gmail.com. 

[Featured Image Credit]

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Ann Weru, UN OCHA Nigeria’s head of Public Information, and Dr. Chike Walter Duru, public information officer,  were there.

Excerpts:

What are the major humanitarian issues in Nigeria, according to the UN?

Mohamed Malick Fall: Different types of crises exist in Nigeria; some are linked to conflict and insecurity; there are those that are triggered by insurgency in the north-east, some are linked to intercommunal violence, herders/farmers clashes, abductions, kidnapping, banditry, prevalent in many parts of the country.

In addition, Nigeria has a certain level of climate vulnerability. Sometimes, drought; sometimes, floods; sometimes heat wave, that impact the wellbeing of people and sometimes trigger the movement of people, loss of property or loss of livelihood and they exacerbate the hardship that the people are facing.

How is the UN responding to the challenges?

Mohamed Malick Fall: The UN has a two-fold response. One is the humanitarian response, which, to me, is guided by the principle of saving lives and reducing vulnerabilities; helping people, not only to get back on their feet, but also to have hope that they can have a better future.

The second component is the one that tackles the root causes of these crises. Most of those root causes are linked to deficits of development, lack of basic services, lack of livelihoods, lack of skills for young people and lack of access to employment. Those require much deeper action, which is building, not only on UN humanitarian intervention, but also on development-related activities, which will be looking at short, mid and long-term projects for the development of those people.

What are the Obstacles to humanitarian interventions in Nigeria?

Mohamed Malick Fall: We have several of them. The biggest one is access, and sometimes, access is hampered by insecurity. There are many parts of the country without free and safe access because of the high level of insecurity that is still prevailing.

This is valid for the north-east, where, despite all the efforts to push against the insurgency, you still see attacks like the recent ones in Konduga and Gwoza, which are sad reminders that it is not yet over. You have also insecurity prevailing in many other parts of the country.

Sometimes, access to the people in need is also difficult.

Funding gaps are also an issue, because, as you know, the world is overstretched by humanitarian challenges.

For instance, we have gone past half of the year, but this year’s Nigerian Humanitarian Response Plan is funded below 50 per cent.

We launched in May 2024, a Lean Season Plan, which targeted to address the most urgent needs of people affected by food insecurity and malnutrition, but we are in the peak of the lean season, and we have not even reached 30 per cent of the funding we need. If you look at humanitarian funding year by year, you will see that it is declining.

The level of response from the donor community is getting lower because of the competing developments across the world. The wars in Gaza, Sudan, and other regions have completely changed the funding landscape for humanitarian response.

How about the challenge of funding?

Mohamed Malick Fall: There is a cost of doing nothing. People always look at things from the point of the cost of doing something. Let me take one example. In the Lean Season Plan, we are looking at addressing severe food insecurity and malnutrition. Today, look at the number of children that are malnourished. The survival of hundreds of thousands of severely acutely malnourished children and those at risk depends on urgent interventions.

In the Lean Season Plan, there is a projection of 230,000 children at risk of severe acute malnutrition during the lean season in Borno, Adamawa and Yobe states, alone. Their survival depends on the steps taken against the challenge.

The cost of inaction is that life is on the line. Children that survive acute malnutrition, from the fragile health conditions they have, may also face growth and development challenges throughout their lives. The cost of inaction is very expensive.

What do you perceive as the way forward?

Mohamed Malick Fall: I see several solutions around these challenges.

For funding, more innovative funding solutions are required. We must no longer rely on western countries as traditional donors.

A country like Nigeria is not poor. It is among the three biggest economies in Africa. It is increasingly urgent for the Government to allocate its own resources to the humanitarian response.

We also need to be more creative and see how we can make our humanitarian operations more efficient and more effective. There are many directions that need to be explored.

What can you tell us about International Laws?

Mohamed Malick Fall: Wherever you see conflict and war, it means that there are parties that do not believe in dialogue and in peaceful settlement of disputes.

For instance, the insurgents believe in extreme violence and terrorist actions. This is not peculiar to Nigeria. In the world, there are many wars taking place. Ukraine, Sudan, Gaza, and these are coming on top of previous crises. You have Somalia and Syria.

The notion that any difference should be settled through arms and through guns amounts to pushing back on the principles of international laws. Many of the parties to conflict do not respect nor respond to the call of international humanitarian law.

How is UN supporting displaced people and the most vulnerable?

Mohamed Malick Fall: Whenever you see a crisis, those that pay the highest prices are the most vulnerable – the women, children, older persons, people living with disabilities, and that is why we prioritise them in our interventions.

There are provisions in our interventions that prioritize the protection of children. There are also provisions that specially protect women from grave violations of their rights and from sexual violence. The rights of people living with disabilities are also protected.

For me, the humanitarian space is one of the few spaces where humanity has its expression. It is a place where you see actors daily, risking their lives to go and save lives, reduce vulnerability, protect and help people get back on their feet.

It is also a space where you see host communities that are lacking in everything sharing the little, they have with people who are suffering or displaced.

It is a place where you see Government and non-state actors getting together, to reduce vulnerability and save the lives of people. The work of humanitarians saving lives etc. has just one name – humanity prevailing.

What is your message for stakeholders in the humanitarian space?

Mohamed Malick Fall: What we need to reduce the humanitarian needs in the world is for the people to go back to the principle of humanity.

If we act on preventing conflict, stopping conflicts, we will take away a huge number of people in humanitarian need.

At the same time, humanitarian needs are not only triggered by conflict; unfortunately, the way we treat our planet; the way we treat our ecosystems, the way we respond to the climate crisis that we are facing are also important issues.

We also have increased poverty and deeper inequalities. All of these are among the factors that trigger human suffering.

We need to address conflict, increased poverty, the climate crisis, and inequalities. If world leaders continue to push to address these issues and more, we will see a better world.

Members of the public should support humanitarian action. They should understand that it is not about humanitarian organisations and workers alone.

It is about the entire society. The call here is the expression of humanity. It is a call to every human being. It takes mobilization, commitment, awareness for every one of us to be part of that humanity.

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Introduction

Unleashing the economic potential of any nation requires unwavering commitment and a clear vision. However, Africa, a diverse continent abundant in resources and human capital, faces numerous challenges that impede its development and progress.

Political unrest, corruption, poverty, human rights violations, and economic instability cast a dark shadow over many African nations, intertwining to create pervasive challenges that foster instability, hamper development efforts, and uproot countless lives.

These claims are supported by numerous studies, reports, and data. Indices such as the Ibrahim Index of African Governance and the Global Corruption Barometer by Transparency International shed light on governance and corruption levels, revealing systemic issues that contribute to overall distress. Reports from esteemed international organizations like the United Nations and the World Bank offer in-depth analysis, highlighting the multidimensional nature of the problems, including the impact of political instability and human rights violations on societal well-being.

To gain a clearer understanding of the economic challenges faced by African nations, we can look at the 2022 Hanke’s Annual Misery Index. This index provides insight into the economic hardships experienced by countries by considering various indicators. It is a composite measure that takes into account the year-end unemployment rate (multiplied by two), inflation rate, bank-lending rates, and the annual percentage change in real GDP per capita. The index combines these elements to yield the Hanke’s Annual Misery Index (HAMI) score, with higher scores indicating greater economic misery.

According to the 2022 HAMI scores, several African countries ranked among the 50 most severely afflicted nations. Zimbabwe claimed the unfortunate title of the world’s most miserable country with a score of 414.7, followed by Sudan (176.1) and Angola (93.518). Other countries on the list included Ghana (86.8), South Africa (83.492), Rwanda (69.192), Botswana (64.023), Madagascar (63.6), Malawi (63.5), Eswatini (63.1), Gabon (62.4), Sao Tome and Principe (62.3), Congo (Brazzaville) (61.5), Ethiopia (61), Libya (60.3), Namibia (55.7), Lesotho (51.6), Algeria (50.2), Nigeria (47.2), Tunisia (46.905), and Mauritania (45.4). These nations confront profound challenges and overwhelming hardships, with their misery index scores reflecting the weight of inflation, unemployment, and burdensome lending rates.

The consequences of these elevated misery index scores extend widely within the affected countries. Scarce resources that could otherwise be invested in infrastructure, education, and healthcare are diverted towards addressing immediate needs, impeding long-term development efforts. Additionally, political instability and human rights abuses erode social cohesion, intensify societal divisions, and constrain opportunities for dialogue and progress. Also, the displacement of millions of people places added strain on already fragile systems, burdening host communities and affecting regional stability.

Furthermore, these consequences transcend national boundaries. The high misery index scores contribute to a negative portrayal of the continent, potentially dissuading foreign investment and impeding economic cooperation. Consequently, the perpetuation of stagnation and economic hardships fosters a cycle of poverty, constraining opportunities for future generations and impeding the achievement of sustainable development goals.

Addressing the complex challenges facing Africa necessitates a comprehensive approach involving good governance, anti-corruption measures, poverty reduction strategies, human rights protection, economic stability, regional cooperation, and technological innovation.

By confronting political unrest, corruption, poverty, and economic instability while drawing inspiration from successful models, African nations can pave the path toward sustainable economic development, social stability, and improved livelihoods.

The following sections will delve deeper into each challenge, exploring their root causes, examining their implications, and discussing potential strategies and solutions.

By recognizing and understanding the hurdles faced by African nations, we can foster informed discussions and contribute to the formulation of effective policies that foster inclusive growth, shared prosperity, and the safeguarding of human rights, thereby transforming Africa’s economic landscape.

Economic Challenges in African Countries

The economic challenges faced by African countries are a matter of concern, with various nations experiencing significant difficulties. This section explores the economic struggles of Zimbabwe, Sudan, Angola, Ghana, and other African nations, shedding light on their specific challenges and rankings on the Misery Index.

This index, developed by Steve Hanke, a professor of applied economics at Johns Hopkins University, takes into account both the economic performance and the socioeconomic conditions of countries’ populations.

Additionally, it highlights the contrast between countries facing misery and those achieving greater happiness, underscoring the uneven progress across the continent.

1. Zimbabwe’s economic challenges and unfortunate ranking

Zimbabwe’s economic challenges have led to an unfortunate ranking as the most miserable country in the world for the second consecutive year, according to the 2022 Hanke’s Annual Misery Index.

Several factors contribute to this ranking, notably the country’s staggering inflation rate, which reached 243.8% in 2022. Such high inflation erodes the value of the local currency, making it increasingly challenging for individuals to afford basic necessities and maintain a stable standard of living.

Moreover, Zimbabwe faces the hurdle of high lending rates, standing at 131.8%. These elevated borrowing costs make it difficult for businesses and individuals to access affordable credit, hindering investment and impeding economic growth. The lack of adequate financing opportunities stunts the economy’s expansion, resulting in stagnant development.

Trade integration, or rather the lack thereof, is another critical aspect impacting Zimbabwe’s economic situation. The decline in trade integration has restricted the country’s ability to acquire new technologies and attract investment. Trade integration plays a vital role in facilitating the sharing of knowledge, resources, and innovation among countries, which significantly contributes to economic growth. Without this avenue for collaboration and access to new opportunities, Zimbabwe finds it challenging to develop and improve its economic prospects.

The burden of debt and arrears to international financial institutions (IFIs) further exacerbates Zimbabwe’s challenges.

The country’s substantial level of debt, coupled with its inability to make timely payments to IFIs, hampers its capacity for investment and development. Instead of directing resources towards productive sectors and infrastructure, Zimbabwe must allocate a significant portion of its income to debt repayments. Furthermore, the accumulation of arrears makes it increasingly difficult for the country to obtain new loans, thereby limiting its potential for growth.

Consequently, a considerable portion of the Zimbabwean population is grappling with severe financial difficulties, struggling to meet their basic needs.

The combination of high inflation, exorbitant lending rates, limited trade integration, and a significant debt burden has created a challenging environment for individuals and businesses alike. Addressing these issues through effective economic policies and reforms becomes crucial to alleviate the financial hardships faced by Zimbabweans and foster sustainable development.

2. Sudan’s Economic Challenges and Political Instability

Sudan has been grappling with a range of significant economic challenges that have had a substantial impact on the country. One of the primary concerns is the soaring inflation rate, which reached a peak of 220.71% in April 2022.

However, according to projections by the African Development Bank, there is hope for improvement, with inflation expected to moderate to 83.2% in 2023 and further decrease to 75.5% in 2024.

Simultaneously, Sudan has witnessed a rise in the poverty rate, which reached 66.1% in 2022. This increase is partly attributed to the high unemployment rate of 20.6% during the same year. The economic hardships faced by the Sudanese population are further exacerbated by political instability.

In addition to these challenges, Sudan has been grappling with an ongoing armed conflict since 2011. This protracted conflict has resulted in significant human casualties, with over 500 lives lost, and has displaced more than 1 million individuals.

Furthermore, Sudan is confronted with environmental challenges, including land degradation, temperature increases, droughts, floods, erratic rainfall, and locust invasions. These environmental factors have had a detrimental impact on agricultural output, impeded GDP growth, and destroyed livelihoods.

Despite these formidable challenges, Sudan boasts abundant natural resources, such as arable land, livestock, and minerals. However, the full utilization of these resources has been hindered by financing deficiencies.

Effectively addressing the economic challenges faced by Sudan and overcoming political instability are pivotal steps towards improving the country’s economic prospects and enhancing the well-being of its citizens.

3. Economic Challenges in Angola, Ghana, and Other African Nations

The 2022 HAMI rankings provide insights into the economic challenges faced by Angola, Ghana, and several other African countries. Angola is ranked 13th with a HAMI score of 93.518, struggling with a high unemployment rate of 29.6%, an inflation rate of 13.9%, and a bank lending rate of 20.118%. Similarly, Ghana holds the 15th position on the Misery Index, burdened by an alarming inflation rate of 54.1% and achieving an index score of 86.8.

These challenges are not unique to Angola and Ghana. Many other African nations also grapple with significant economic hurdles. South Africa, positioned 16th on the Misery Index, records an index score of 83.492 primarily due to high unemployment rates. Rwanda, ranked 20th, achieves a score of 69.192 with inflation being a major contributing factor. Botswana, at the 21st spot, has an index score of 64.023 mainly influenced by elevated unemployment rates.

Moreover, countries such as Madagascar, Malawi, Eswatini, Gabon, Sao Tome and Principe, Congo (Brazzaville), Ethiopia, Libya, Namibia, Lesotho, Algeria, Nigeria, Tunisia, and Mauritania also face economic difficulties characterized by high unemployment rates, inflation, or lending rates.

The HAMI rankings shed light on the economic challenges experienced by various African countries, highlighting the need for targeted measures to address unemployment, inflation, and lending rates. It is crucial to alleviate the hardships endured by their populations. The situations in Zimbabwe, Sudan, Niger, Togo, and other African nations serve as poignant reminders of the urgent need to tackle economic instability and implement effective policies across the continent.

Recognizing the profound impact of high inflation rates, unemployment, and other economic challenges on individuals’ well-being, it becomes imperative to prioritize sustainable development, job creation, and economic reforms. These steps are crucial for uplifting the lives of African citizens and ensuring a brighter and more prosperous future for all.

4. Contrasting Happiness and Economic Struggles in Africa

It is indeed disconcerting to observe that four African countries—Zimbabwe, Sudan, Angola, and Ghana—are ranked among the top fifteen “most miserable” countries. However, it is worth noting the significant contrast that exists within the African continent. As evidenced by the 2022 HAMI, Niger and Togo were among the top ten “happiest” countries.

This striking disparity highlights the uneven progress made by different African nations in their pursuit of greater happiness and well-being. While some countries have made strides towards improving their conditions, many others continue to face substantial economic challenges, leading to a state of ongoing misery.

The varying experiences of African countries in terms of happiness and well-being underscore the need for concerted efforts to address the underlying economic factors that contribute to misery. By identifying and tackling these challenges head-on, African nations can work towards creating more equitable and prosperous societies for their citizens.

Continue reading HERE:

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After the Federal Executive Council, FEC, meeting held in the Council Chamber of the Presidential Villa in Abuja and presided over by President Muhammadu Buhari, Mr. Geoffrey Onyeama, Minister of Foreign Affairs, said this while briefing State House media.

According to the Minister, the cost of the evacuation includes the provision of security coverage for the eleven-hour flight from Aswan, Egypt, to Cairo, Egypt, as well as the eight-hour flight from Luxol to Cairo.

He claimed that the Nigerian government’s plans to safely remove its residents from the civil war-torn Sudan dominated the council meeting’s proceedings.

Despite their agreement to end hostilities at midnight on Monday, the Sudanese Armed Forces and the Rapid Support Forces reportedly resumed fighting on Wednesday, even as a hospital was being bombarded.

Onyeama, who observed that no Nigerians perished in the violence, claimed that there have been no discussions regarding alternate arrangements for the evacuees, most of whom are the University of Khartoum students, to continue their education.

Recall that about 40 buses were sent to move Nigerians out of Khartoum and other troubled parts of Sudan early Wednesday.

The Nigerian Diaspora Commission had explained that the evacuation planned for Tuesday failed due to logistic challenges.

Chairperson of the Commission, Hon. Abike Dabiri-Erewa, confirmed that the new travel plans were finalized Tuesday night.

She tweeted “Last night, the Nigeria Evacuation team in Sudan received some buses to transport Nigerian Students to nearby borders in Egypt, before airlifting them to Nigeria, this has been sorted by Federal Government through @nemanigeria and the Nigerian Embassy in Sudan.

“More buses are arriving this morning and the stranded students will depart today.”

The post FG Spends $1.2m to Evacuate Stranded Nigerians in Sudan to Cairo appeared first on Tech | Business | Economy.

The Chairman and Chief Executive Officer, Allen Onyema, announced this on Monday.

He said the offer could only be possible if the Nigerian government can transport them to a safe and secure airport in any of Sudan’s neighboring countries.

“We are very ready to do it immediately. No time wasting. Any action that would promote national pride, national cohesion, peace, and unity, we are for it.

This comes barely a few hours after the country’s Minister of Foreign Affairs revealed the government’s plans to evacuate the stranded Nigerians by road from the Northeast African country.

The statement reads: “Again, Air Peace is willing to evacuate Nigerians stranded in Sudan free of charge if the government can get them to a safe and secure airport in any of the neighboring countries bordering Sudan. Everything must not be left to the government and the government alone.

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